Back in early fall, my
welcome week program went to cool places in DC like the State Department and
the Woodrow Wilson Institute. One of these places was the Millenium Challenge
Corporation of America, a part of our federal government dedicated to helping
the world meet the UN's Millenium Development Goals. The corporation is capable of
giving two kinds of grants to countries, based on whether they meet minimum
requirements as shown on their scorecards (See, for
comparison, Afghanistan, Uganda, and Zambia). This different ways in which the MCC is
devoted to cooperation indicate Liberalist leanings.
The MCC believes in the
power of institutions, and expects other individuals and countries to do so as
well. It cooperates with the aims of the United Nations. The purpose of the
corporation is to help eliminate global poverty. However, they also help
achieve all of the Millenium Development Goals on the side, through their
indicators. A country must score a green light on more than half of the twenty
indicators, and many of the indicators are concerned with whether they are
making progress on the development goals. This cooperation with the UN reveals
a belief in other institutions on the part of the MCC, as well as a belief in
institutions for America, as well. The MCC also believes that “[e]ligibility
for an MCC compact is regarded as a seal of approval, signaling to private
investors that the country is well-governed and open for business” [MCC Fact
Sheet, “MCC’s Continuum of Results”]. To the MCC, an institution can expected
to be regarded with respect by an average citizen, company, or country; since
often a proponent of a single theory assumes other players in the international
game also behave according to that theory, we can take this as evidence that
the MCC is Liberalist. Certainly the US and the MCC believe that institutions
can help make the world a better place, a variant of neoliberalism, which
contends that institutions and international regimes can maintain international
peace and order.
Indeed, the indicators
themselves, even ignoring their UN origins, imply a commitment to Liberalism.
According to Doyle, Liberalism claims that “all citizens are juridically equal
and have equal rights to education,
access to a free press, and religious
toleration. Second, the legislative assembly of the state possesses only the
authority invested in it by the people, whose basic rights it is not permitted to abuse. Third, a key dimension
of the liberty of the individual is the right
to own property, including productive forces. Fourth, liberalism contends
that the most effective system of economic exchange is the one that is largely market driven and not one that is subordinate to bureaucratic
regulation and control” [Lamy, 340]. The indicators measure for each
of these things. For education, there is are indicators for “Primary Education
Expenditure” and “Girls’ Primary Education Completion Rate.” For access to a
free press, there is “Freedom of Information.” Abuse of basic rights
corresponds to “Political Rights,” “Civil Liberties,” and “Rule of Law,” and
the economy section corresponds to “Regulatory Quality” and “Land Rights and
Access.”
The corporation is
committed to cooperation with the recipient countries in a number of ways as
well. The administration prides itself on allowing for independence for the
countries involved. An applicant country must first ask for a grant, pass the
evaluation (indicators), and come up with a detailed plan of how it will use
the money to create sustainable economic solutions to ensure its future
economic prosperity and stability. Often this is building infrastructure or
training laborers. The plan must be approved by the MCC administration, who
have experience in precedents as to what works and what won’t. When the plan is
approved, the government is granted financial support and technical/professional
support where needed, and while the MCC tracks progress closely, the country’s government
is calling the shots as to where the money goes and how the project is
completed. The MCC believes that the country itself knows what is best for it,
and allows it to have much more free reign than many other financial aid
programs. The process is designed for cooperation between the two countries.
In addition, the indicators
act as incentives, which is effective and based in cooperation. While such
things as trade embargoes are more like ultimatums, these incentives are much
gentler and come from a place of understanding. Not all indicators have to be
met, only 55%, and the baseline for achieving an indicator may be considered
very low to a person in a developed democracy like the US, but are reasonable
goals to meet for countries that are very different from ours, having been
perhaps not run using Liberalist policies. Once a country accepts a grant,
there are two ways it can play out: If they are a Threshold country, they receive
a small one-time grant, an award for being “committed to improving policy
performance.” If the country subsequently drops lower in the indicators, they
simply do not receive another Threshold grant, and are not re-evaluated for
some time. If a country meets the indicator standards, they are eligible to receive
a “compact,” which is a multi-year agreement to fund the specific plans
discussed earlier; these work out like some large scholarships do, giving out
smaller amounts of a large total amount of money over a number of years. And
similar to the scholarships, if the country drops below a certain performance
level while receiving the money, money isn’t paid back like a loan, but stops
being supplied. (And they are not re-evaluated for indicator performance for
some time.)
In summation, the Millenium
Challenge Corporation is a section of the US government that runs on Liberalist
principles. Unlike what the critics claim about the practices of the World
Bank, the recipient countries of the MCC are intensely involved in the terms of
their grants. The levels of reward and requirements for indicators show
sympathy and understanding for developing countries, and the grants are
structured as incentives rather than demands. The MCC works with the United
Nations and believes such institutions to be regarded with respect. The MCC has
a mix of classical Liberalist and Neo-Liberalist practices, and thus I simply
call it “Liberalist.”
The MCC sounds like a very interesting organization, and its success could mean the creation of other groups like it around the world.
ReplyDeleteJust to clarify, is the MCC an independent corporation? a non-profit? or a branch of the government?
It seems like if MCC proves to be successful, it could change the role non-state actors play in international development. Do you think this would be a positive change? Are there any negatives to the MCC?
Sorry for all the questions!
Fascinating choice of organization, Kendal. At the beginning of the semester, I was considering prescribing the MCC scorecards for our Development week. Do you think they would have fitted in better there or in our Liberalism week?
ReplyDeleteIt seems to me as though the MCC is incredibly lenient. Specifically, you wrote that "the indicators act as incentives, which is effective and based in cooperation. While such things as trade embargoes are more like ultimatums, these incentives are much gentler and come from a place of understanding. Not all indicators have to be met, only 55%." What are the benefits of using incentives rather than embargoes? Is it proven to work?
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